Destination Australia!

Incidents involving mugging and stabbing of Indian students in Australia, especially in Victoria, are a matter of grave concern. Many Indians have been robbed in the past but the increasing numbers of students- estimates vary between 1 to 1.5 lacs- have led to racist attacks bordering on culpable homicide to attempted murder. The frequency of vicious assaults on those who have legally sought admission there and are shelling out hefty fees averaging 2 lacs in Indian rupees have caught everyone’s attention. Routine diplomatic steps like summoning the Aussie envoy in New Delhi and phone calls by PM to his counterpart raised some hope that the matter will be resolved. However, excessive use of force by the police on Indian protestors on a sit-in shows that racism pervades even the police force there.

What should India do? India should take steps that hurt Australia. They can't make money from our students and then stab them with screwdrivers or hurl petrol bombs at them. Indian govt. should issue an advisory against travel to that country, whether for study or for tourism. Once billions of dollars, which are being earned by Australian educational and travel industry, go away, their government would understand that racism against Indians cannot be taken lightly. Banks should refuse study loans if the destination is Australia. We should derecognize Australian degrees unless those holding them clear equivalence tests here in India.

It is a pity that our students are forced to study abroad. This is largely due to reckless introduction of reservation in admissions as well as teaching. Though advocates of social justice refuse to accept it, yet merit surely takes a backseat. The admission opportunities to quality technical institutes in India must be increased. This could be done by introducing paid seats in elite institutions and the money thus raised can be used to set up more facilities here. In short, stop patronising foreign universities and improve educational infrastructure here. With stringent regulation by UGC and AITEC, it should be possible to open private universities and provide educational avenues to those who have the means to pay for them.

Elections and After

The recent Lok Sabha elections threw up several surprises. The voters decimated several regional satraps like Lalu Prasad, Paswan, Mulayam Singh, Vaiko, Ramadoss etc and reduced the prime-ministerial ambitions of others ranging from Jayalalitha, Pawar, Navin Patnaik to Mayawati and Modi. The BJP held its fort in most States under its rule (Rajasthan excepted) but failed to make significant gains. Its orchestrated campaign to reduce the poll to a direct contest between Manmohan Singh and Advani came a cropper. Karat’s grandiose plans to hoist a Third Front and provide alternative policies remained stillborn with key allies like JD(S) hobnobbing with Congress even before the last round of polling got underway. For the Congress and its allies, the results were sweeter than expected and the comfort derived from increased numbers has raised its confidence to deal with recalcitrant allies like DMK. The formation of cabinet has been like the birth pangs experienced during a difficult delivery. There is a fusion of youth and maturity in the new Cabinet. Rahul Gandhi’s decision not to join it but devote time to rejuvenating the party disappointed those opposed to the dynastic rule.

A fortnight later, the losers remain unrepentant. BJP proclaims that the Congress is misreading the mandate. It is not an endorsement of UPA’s performance but an acceptance of bipolarity in politics implying that Congress merely gained from the rejection of Third and Fourth Fronts. It may be partly valid but does not explain why these votes did not come the BJP’s way. Such a denial mode may do more damage to the party’s prospects. Its policies and manner of discourse is clearly out of sync with youth who constitute a significant part of electorate and have different aspirations. You cannot project an eighty year old as a youth icon while younger leaders in the party remain sidelined. The claims of strong and nationalistic leadership sounded hollow once the ghost of Kandahar and Advani’s praise of Jinnah rose from the past. BJP failed to raise important issues and how it would have done things differently. The campaign remained besmirched in ‘budiya-gudiya’ small talk. No wonder the voters drifted away to those who were a ‘lesser evil’ in voters’ parlance.

The Left parties were perceived as road-blocks to progress. The voters clearly felt that they were caught in a time warp and unwilling to change ideologically with times, as China did. Their decision to vote along side BJP to pull down the govt. over the Indo-US Nuclear deal along with the violence in Nandigram and Singur dented their image considerably and wiped them out of reckoning. In retrospect, Amrtya Sen was right when he disapproved of their decision to withdraw support to UPA and suggesting that they lost their voice in the process. The election results showed that it actually happened even in their strongholds like West Bengal and Kerala. There is saying suggesting there is nothing more dangerous than an idea if it is the only one you have. The Left parties seem to have vindicated it. However, their claim that but for their opposition to unbridled financial reforms, the impact of global recession on India would have been worse is not without merit.

The ball is now in UPA’s court. The problems are aplenty. There is a strong middle class waiting for a clean, transparent and efficient government. The rural populace needs employment generation and social justice to enable it to stay at home rather than migrate to urban chaos. Lacs of cases in courts highlight the need for speedy and fair trials. Education system must be overhauled to prevent meritorious young men and women from going overseas in quest of degrees and jobs. Health care must be made available at affordable prices. The departments dealing with public are seething with corruption and need to be cleansed. Initial indications are that the new ministers have been told to perform or to perish. One hopes they would choose the former option.

Modi-fied BJP

Narendra Modi is no longer just a poster boy for BJP. He has also acquired a larger than life image. There are umpteen stories about how the State has progressed under his rule and this is also confirmed by objective observers. He has the uncanny ability to sound sober and logical on media and in conferences while reserving his taunts and innuendos to woo and sway the masses in public meetings. No wonder he has emerged as a potential choice even for prime-minister ship once senior Advani makes way for him. His name was recently proposed by Arun Shourie and supported by the party’s spokesperson, Arun Jaitley. His success in decimating opponents within the party and without has been phenomenal and casts despair especially among Congressmen in Gujarat. During the ongoing campaign, they were found wanting on most occasions and forgot the real issues busy as they were in reacting to his salvos. Remember the frivolousness of ‘Budiya-Gudiya’ comments while serious issues remained on the backburner.

Modi’s popularity in Gujarat has been enigmatic. He allegedly acquiesced in, if not provoked, retaliatory violence against Muslims in the wake of an attack on Hindu karsevaks returning by train from Ayodhya. It resulted in the death of thousands of Muslims and destruction of their homes. The image of a tearful ex-MP Ehsan Jafri begging for life before he was killed by the rioters continues to haunt the civil society. The inaction of the State’s police was captured live by TV channels, which the independent observers found comparable to the situation prevailing during the anti-Sikh riots. Surprisingly Modi managed to turn the public anger against Muslims into political support for himself and won the next elections convincingly- a situation again comparable to Congress’ return to Lok Sabha in 1984 elections.

The Supreme Court recently instructed the SIT, on a petition filed by Jafri’s widow, to probe the role of Narendra Modi and seven of his ministers, including VHP international general secretary Pravin Togadia as also senior bureaucrats and police officers, into the communal riots in the state. It also ordered the setting up of special courts to try the accused in Gujarat. The BJP interestingly treated it as a compliment to judiciary of Gujarat since cases against rioters were transferred out of State in the past. As a result of SIT’s investigation, Maya Kodnani, a minister in Modi’s cabinet and a senior VHP functionary Jaideep Patel were recently arrested and both are cooling their heels in jail.

Modi’s ploy in Gujarat has been to confuse the issue of persecution of minorities to one of its 'asmita' or prestige of Gujaratis. So it no longer remains a Hindu-Muslim issue but becomes one of Congress-led Centre 'maligning' Guajratis. Mix it with Sonia's foreign origins and you can tongue-twist it to one of national honour. He simultaneously fuels and cashes on a sentiment that the ‘pseudo-secular Congress’ appeases Muslims and treats Hindus with contempt. Instances like delay in Afzal Guru’s execution are handpicked to support BJP’s case and give it a pro-Hindu image. The gullible voters are taken in and rarely question BJP’s record in protecting, promoting or reforming Hinduism. The only instances that come to mind are its sister organizations attacking churches and mosques, raping nuns and assaulting priests; none of which bring any glory to the Hindu faith or it followers.

BJP has always been accused, especially by the Left parties, of being fascist in character. The parallel is not entirely misplaced. Fascism is defined as a radical and authoritarian nationalist political ideology. Fascists believe that nations and races are in perpetual conflict whereby only the strong can survive. BJP’s insistence on India being a Hindu nation, intolerance of and atrocities against minorities and emphasis on strength and security in recent polls seem to fit in with a fascist mindset. The point of deviation is the compulsion to remain within the democratic framework while promoting nationalism, anti-minorityism and anti-communism with charismatic oratory and propaganda. The term fascist, after all, has been used as a pejorative word.

National Elections

Elections should normally be like a warm-up to the next round of governance. One expects an incisive analysis of various aspects of performance of the outgoing government to enable people to make an impassioned appraisal. Add to it the explanation how the contending party would do things differently and you have the game neatly and fairly drawn up. The rest rests with the voter’s index finger adorned with a blot of indelible ink to point to. The nation gets a new government. It does not seem to be happening this way so far. The campaign has been personal, vicious, almost defamatory and bordering on abuse. What is worse is that leading parties and towering leaders lowered the level of what was passed on as debate.

The Indo-US Nuclear Deal, which almost led to the fall of the government, hardly figured in the speeches. Those who accused the govt. of a sell-out of national interest to US and promised annulment or renegotiation, meekly submitted that they would let it be since it was an agreement between two governments. India’s neighbourhood got more and more insecure as we move towards the final phase of our national polls. The Maoist PM of Nepal has resigned following a tiff with his head of State over sacking of the military chief. Pakistan faces the brunt of Taliban advance in to its cities and is knocking at our doors in Kashmir and Punjab. Sri Lankan army quells the LTTE in our south creating a huge crisis for the civilian Tamil population caught in the crossfire. Military junta in Myanmar retains its stranglehold on the pro-democracy forces. Curiously, China is involved in all these nations. It is signing a treaty of friendship with Nepal, has been on best of terms with Pakistan, supports the Sri Lankan advance into the north, and stands by Myanmar. Besides, it lays claim over Arunachal Pradesh and continues to occupy Aksai Chin. It is almost encircling India. Did we hear a word about it?

So it is with global economy taking a beating, pink slips and lay offs and Sensex crashing and picking up again lately with bail-outs and positive cues from foreign markets. We learnt in school that we are an agricultural country but no one seems to care or question our performance on that front. We got famous for our IT and BPO and HB1 visa-grabbing professionals in the recent past. No one mentions them. Our small and medium industry has almost been wiped out by the cheap and under-invoiced Chinese imports. Not a whimper about it. Our exports as well as FDI are down. Are they? Population swells resulting in a virtual stampede of migrants from rural to urban centres. Naxals hijack trains and blow up polling stations in the Red-belt. Insurgency raises its head gain in the North-East. Best dismissed as regional issues. Issues relating to education, health and child care are best left buried in manifestoes.

Our panellists in print media and TV studios went on harping on pet and populist issues. The weakness or otherwise of PM; the debut speech of Varun Gandhi; the volte face of Kalyan Singh and Naveen Patnaik; the smile and saris of Priyanka Gandhi; the Modi-fied BJP and Bofor-ified Congress; black money stashed abroad; prospects of the Third and Fourth fronts upstaging the both and so on so forth. Is it any wonder that more than half of our population did not exercise their franchise?

A Postcard from Khushwant Singh

Khushwant Singh knows how to be in the news. When the media is preoccupied with spats between Manmohan Singh and Advani, Khushwant Singh chooses to write about their spouses-a non-descript Sardarni and a budding poetess. He loves to analyse and his latest contribution in his weekly column took pot shots at four women in the saffron brigade- Uma Bharti, Sadhvi Rithambra, Mayaben Kodnani and Sadhvi Pragya. Khushwant Singh suggests that their aggression has something to do with their being unmarried. He is conscious of the fact that his linkage of sexual frustration with violence in speech may not be accepted by many but still goes ahead to make it. One could take exception to such a sexist approach especially since there is no shortage of male politicians who are either bachelors or widowers or forced to practise celibacy under duress. They evidently do not make news like the firebrand women spewing venom on election trails.

Khushwant Singh has always been fond of women and their exploits. He has an uncanny habit of being candid about his sexual instincts and experiences. He has often dwelt on the subject in his columns as well as other writings. The graphic description of a sexual encounter in his much acclaimed novel, Train to Pakistan lent it an erotic value. The juvenile readers found it pornographic and only celebrated critics saw it as an integral part of the novel’s plot and how it fused into the narrative. His detractors accuse him of being obsessed with wine and women and found the logo of a turbaned Sikh within an hour-glass literally full of malice towards one and all. However, Khushwant Singh has gone on writing on subjects ranging from serious to scandalous. The man who produced The History of Sikhs could also poke his finger into a life-sized doll inviting a glare from a sales girl. His column can bemoan the death of the liberal spirit and juxtapose it with a crude joke or a limerick from a budding poet.
Khushwant Singh’s strongest asset is his language. He writes with a natural flair, which few of us could equal in the past. Much of Indian writing in English of that era made one feel as if one were reading a translation of a work in the vernacular. Khushwant Singh’s pieces did not betray his Punjabi roots in diction though the content obviously could not hide it. His interests have been so wide-ranging that they would baffle an average reader. In the fall of 1991, I could recollect his description of a flowering tree, some of which still grow between the roundabouts on Patel Chowk and Jan path. I was overcome with a desire to know its name and took the liberty of writing to him. Frankly I did not expect him to answer the query and even suggested that he could ignore it if he found it bothersome. That’s why I was pleasantly surprised when I received a post card from him soon enough. ‘I think the tree I was referring to is the CHORIZZIA. They are beginning to flower now pink and white.'

Letter from the President

I have been watching Republic day parades since my childhood. The earliest recollection is when I walked along my father through the Ridge (there was no transport available then) to reach Vijay Chowk and then further down to the point across the saluting base for a better view. The sight of our president and the distinguished guests alighting from the horse-drawn black buggy is still fresh in my memory. I had little interest in the military machines or the soldiers marching past like immaculate boxes. I stood on my toes to get a better look at the dancing children and , the tableaux depicting different States. When the helicopters spraying rose petals arrived, the neck turned upwards and the eyes shaded with my palm till the shrieking, screaming aircraft filled the sky intermittently , some of which shot straight into the sky leaving trails of colours of our national flag. As we left the spot in a hurry to avoid crowds, hundreds of balloons burst upwards into the air and I kept turning my head just in case one of them came down within my reach. It never happened.

As years rolled by, I was lucky to participate in the prestigious parade twice. The excitement was palpable and electric on both the occasions. The discomfort of being made to sit on the tarmac near Vijay Chowk before daybreak disappeared as I marched down the Rajpath towards the National Stadium with a sense of pride.

In 2003, I was watching the same parade on TV while the rest of the family slept on. President A.P. J. Abdul Kalam sat impassively while recipients of several bravery awards were summoned to receive their prizes. One of them was a young widow whose husband had been martyred in the service of the nation. She stood dressed in white at some distance facing the President while a long citation detailing the heroic deed of her spouse was read. Finally her name was called out and the President rose to hand over the citation and the medal to her when she walked closer to him. The ceremony made me feel very uncomfortable.

I decided to write to the President. It almost looked as if the widow of the martyr was an accused waiting for a judgement to be pronounced. I took the liberty to suggest to the President that either he should also stand once the widow of the martyr arrived on the scene. This will be chivalrous and would also show respect to the departed soul. Alternatively, the widow should be called only after the citation has been read. I was not sure if my suggestion would even be considered. About a fortnight later, I received a thick envelop from Rashtrapati Bhavan. It contained a letter signed by the Hon’ble Mr. Kalam himself. It thanked me for the letter and the suggestion. What took the cake was an insertion in his hand stating, “I agree, in future it will be avoided.” He kept his word.

Exercising a choice!

We are on the threshold of another national election. In forty-eight hours from now, the first phase of poll to choose the next government shall begin. It is a momentous time in the history of a nation. One is expected to evaluate the performance of the party, which has been in power and to decide whether to give it another chance or to show it the door. It is not an easy job especially when there was a coalition ruling the nation. One has to be discriminating enough to give credit (or discredit) to the one who deserves it. Take, for instance, the financial reforms. Following the global meltdown, the Left parties claimed, not without some justification, that Indian economy would have been worse of had they not applied brakes on opening up some areas to FDI. The SP can similarly claim that but for their support, the govt. would have fallen taking along with it, the Indo-US Nuclear Deal that made the Left withdraw support to UPA. It must be admitted that no claim is totally bereft of truth. Ironically, it is not the total truth either. This calls for a serious debate over issues affecting the nation and BJP has been repeatedly a lot of noise demanding a live televised debate between the PM and Advani, who is perceived by it as the PM-in -waiting. Its penchant for debate went to such n extent that it threw the gauntlet later to Congress chief. However, the Congress refused to oblige claiming that Advani was not the only candidate for prime ministership. It also added that the real place for debate on issues was the parliament whose sessions had to be adjourned repeatedly due to disturbances caused by BJP members. The PM also conceded that he is not as good at public speaking as Advani and would like to be judged by his performance.

Well, nothing prevented BJP from raising the same issues during its campaign even if a live debate was not possible. What is surprising is that not once did BJP spokesmen or leaders raised the issue of nuclear deal or whether they would continue with it or renegotiate it? The economy did not figure at all despite the financial reforms and the global meltdown. There has been a vicious campaign full of attacks directed against the PM and the Gandhi family. The PM is weak and Sonia a foreigner. The Congress party is called one day a Budiya and the next, a Gudiya. It has been a calculated attempt to dictate an irrelevant agenda as conceded by the party towards the end of the campaign and the Congress fell for it. The BJP plan has been to reduce it to a Congress-BJP contest and it pulled all sops, including hate-speeches through Varun Gandhi of Pilibhit and Ashok Sahu of Kandhamal to spew venom against Muslims and Christians. To add fuel to fire, Advani wrote to hundreds of religious leaders, mostly Hindu, assuring them of consultation should they back him. The Third front led by the Left was ignored. So were the regional straps of UP, Bihar and Maharashtra. None of them is prepared for a truck with BJP so why bother.

The Congress party’s dilemma was understandable. The Yadav combine offered it three miserly seats in Bihar forcing it to go alone. The same thing happened in UP where BSP supremo herself is dreaming of becoming the next prime minister fuelled by the Left. With two large states virtually out of reckoning, the Congress decided to strengthen its organization inviting mocking comments from its former allies like RJD. As the BJP fired one fusillade after another at it, the Congress could hardly ignore them and found itself playing the game on BJP’s terms. While the two mainstream parties tried to score brownie points in a fake debate carried out in TV studios and public meetings, the voters were left uninformed on where the ruling party faltered or how the opposition would do things differently or better. It is a great pity and the onus for this lies largely on BJP. It clamoured for a debate but never raised pertinent issues affecting the nation. It lowered the level of debate to unfathomable depths while assuming an expression of injured innocence. One sincerely hopes the voter would be able to separate the chaff from the grain and the polls would throw up a stable government committed to national growth and prosperity.