A Postcard from Khushwant Singh

Khushwant Singh knows how to be in the news. When the media is preoccupied with spats between Manmohan Singh and Advani, Khushwant Singh chooses to write about their spouses-a non-descript Sardarni and a budding poetess. He loves to analyse and his latest contribution in his weekly column took pot shots at four women in the saffron brigade- Uma Bharti, Sadhvi Rithambra, Mayaben Kodnani and Sadhvi Pragya. Khushwant Singh suggests that their aggression has something to do with their being unmarried. He is conscious of the fact that his linkage of sexual frustration with violence in speech may not be accepted by many but still goes ahead to make it. One could take exception to such a sexist approach especially since there is no shortage of male politicians who are either bachelors or widowers or forced to practise celibacy under duress. They evidently do not make news like the firebrand women spewing venom on election trails.

Khushwant Singh has always been fond of women and their exploits. He has an uncanny habit of being candid about his sexual instincts and experiences. He has often dwelt on the subject in his columns as well as other writings. The graphic description of a sexual encounter in his much acclaimed novel, Train to Pakistan lent it an erotic value. The juvenile readers found it pornographic and only celebrated critics saw it as an integral part of the novel’s plot and how it fused into the narrative. His detractors accuse him of being obsessed with wine and women and found the logo of a turbaned Sikh within an hour-glass literally full of malice towards one and all. However, Khushwant Singh has gone on writing on subjects ranging from serious to scandalous. The man who produced The History of Sikhs could also poke his finger into a life-sized doll inviting a glare from a sales girl. His column can bemoan the death of the liberal spirit and juxtapose it with a crude joke or a limerick from a budding poet.
Khushwant Singh’s strongest asset is his language. He writes with a natural flair, which few of us could equal in the past. Much of Indian writing in English of that era made one feel as if one were reading a translation of a work in the vernacular. Khushwant Singh’s pieces did not betray his Punjabi roots in diction though the content obviously could not hide it. His interests have been so wide-ranging that they would baffle an average reader. In the fall of 1991, I could recollect his description of a flowering tree, some of which still grow between the roundabouts on Patel Chowk and Jan path. I was overcome with a desire to know its name and took the liberty of writing to him. Frankly I did not expect him to answer the query and even suggested that he could ignore it if he found it bothersome. That’s why I was pleasantly surprised when I received a post card from him soon enough. ‘I think the tree I was referring to is the CHORIZZIA. They are beginning to flower now pink and white.'

Letter from the President

I have been watching Republic day parades since my childhood. The earliest recollection is when I walked along my father through the Ridge (there was no transport available then) to reach Vijay Chowk and then further down to the point across the saluting base for a better view. The sight of our president and the distinguished guests alighting from the horse-drawn black buggy is still fresh in my memory. I had little interest in the military machines or the soldiers marching past like immaculate boxes. I stood on my toes to get a better look at the dancing children and , the tableaux depicting different States. When the helicopters spraying rose petals arrived, the neck turned upwards and the eyes shaded with my palm till the shrieking, screaming aircraft filled the sky intermittently , some of which shot straight into the sky leaving trails of colours of our national flag. As we left the spot in a hurry to avoid crowds, hundreds of balloons burst upwards into the air and I kept turning my head just in case one of them came down within my reach. It never happened.

As years rolled by, I was lucky to participate in the prestigious parade twice. The excitement was palpable and electric on both the occasions. The discomfort of being made to sit on the tarmac near Vijay Chowk before daybreak disappeared as I marched down the Rajpath towards the National Stadium with a sense of pride.

In 2003, I was watching the same parade on TV while the rest of the family slept on. President A.P. J. Abdul Kalam sat impassively while recipients of several bravery awards were summoned to receive their prizes. One of them was a young widow whose husband had been martyred in the service of the nation. She stood dressed in white at some distance facing the President while a long citation detailing the heroic deed of her spouse was read. Finally her name was called out and the President rose to hand over the citation and the medal to her when she walked closer to him. The ceremony made me feel very uncomfortable.

I decided to write to the President. It almost looked as if the widow of the martyr was an accused waiting for a judgement to be pronounced. I took the liberty to suggest to the President that either he should also stand once the widow of the martyr arrived on the scene. This will be chivalrous and would also show respect to the departed soul. Alternatively, the widow should be called only after the citation has been read. I was not sure if my suggestion would even be considered. About a fortnight later, I received a thick envelop from Rashtrapati Bhavan. It contained a letter signed by the Hon’ble Mr. Kalam himself. It thanked me for the letter and the suggestion. What took the cake was an insertion in his hand stating, “I agree, in future it will be avoided.” He kept his word.

Exercising a choice!

We are on the threshold of another national election. In forty-eight hours from now, the first phase of poll to choose the next government shall begin. It is a momentous time in the history of a nation. One is expected to evaluate the performance of the party, which has been in power and to decide whether to give it another chance or to show it the door. It is not an easy job especially when there was a coalition ruling the nation. One has to be discriminating enough to give credit (or discredit) to the one who deserves it. Take, for instance, the financial reforms. Following the global meltdown, the Left parties claimed, not without some justification, that Indian economy would have been worse of had they not applied brakes on opening up some areas to FDI. The SP can similarly claim that but for their support, the govt. would have fallen taking along with it, the Indo-US Nuclear Deal that made the Left withdraw support to UPA. It must be admitted that no claim is totally bereft of truth. Ironically, it is not the total truth either. This calls for a serious debate over issues affecting the nation and BJP has been repeatedly a lot of noise demanding a live televised debate between the PM and Advani, who is perceived by it as the PM-in -waiting. Its penchant for debate went to such n extent that it threw the gauntlet later to Congress chief. However, the Congress refused to oblige claiming that Advani was not the only candidate for prime ministership. It also added that the real place for debate on issues was the parliament whose sessions had to be adjourned repeatedly due to disturbances caused by BJP members. The PM also conceded that he is not as good at public speaking as Advani and would like to be judged by his performance.

Well, nothing prevented BJP from raising the same issues during its campaign even if a live debate was not possible. What is surprising is that not once did BJP spokesmen or leaders raised the issue of nuclear deal or whether they would continue with it or renegotiate it? The economy did not figure at all despite the financial reforms and the global meltdown. There has been a vicious campaign full of attacks directed against the PM and the Gandhi family. The PM is weak and Sonia a foreigner. The Congress party is called one day a Budiya and the next, a Gudiya. It has been a calculated attempt to dictate an irrelevant agenda as conceded by the party towards the end of the campaign and the Congress fell for it. The BJP plan has been to reduce it to a Congress-BJP contest and it pulled all sops, including hate-speeches through Varun Gandhi of Pilibhit and Ashok Sahu of Kandhamal to spew venom against Muslims and Christians. To add fuel to fire, Advani wrote to hundreds of religious leaders, mostly Hindu, assuring them of consultation should they back him. The Third front led by the Left was ignored. So were the regional straps of UP, Bihar and Maharashtra. None of them is prepared for a truck with BJP so why bother.

The Congress party’s dilemma was understandable. The Yadav combine offered it three miserly seats in Bihar forcing it to go alone. The same thing happened in UP where BSP supremo herself is dreaming of becoming the next prime minister fuelled by the Left. With two large states virtually out of reckoning, the Congress decided to strengthen its organization inviting mocking comments from its former allies like RJD. As the BJP fired one fusillade after another at it, the Congress could hardly ignore them and found itself playing the game on BJP’s terms. While the two mainstream parties tried to score brownie points in a fake debate carried out in TV studios and public meetings, the voters were left uninformed on where the ruling party faltered or how the opposition would do things differently or better. It is a great pity and the onus for this lies largely on BJP. It clamoured for a debate but never raised pertinent issues affecting the nation. It lowered the level of debate to unfathomable depths while assuming an expression of injured innocence. One sincerely hopes the voter would be able to separate the chaff from the grain and the polls would throw up a stable government committed to national growth and prosperity.